Furthermore, in the aftermath of long years of armed conflict in the region, some Central American countries were experiencing a limited and incomplete peace process. Although Honduras did not experience an armed conflict as such, it had its own history of revolutionary groups that were violently suppressed, and over many years the country served as a platform for the United States' counterinsurgency policy in the region. The repression and the gradual loss of hope in the Central American democratic processes contributed to the apathy and inaction of society. Decades of struggle and repression had left women's movements fragmented, demobilized, and marginalized.

Women's and feminist organizations had to rethink their approach to advance towards equality, democracy, and peace.

The question we asked ourselves was fundamental: What does it take to be able to imagine and build the women's movements of the future? The meeting produced a shared assessment of the impact of the political and economic changes we were facing, based on our personal and collective experiences. We affirmed that the region faced many common problems: the intensification of discrimination and violence against women, repression, inequality, conflict, militarism, and external intervention that hindered the development of independent agendas. This pioneering experience gave us an X-ray of the regional situation, strengthened networks, revitalized a sense of the possible, and led us to renew our commitment to building and strengthening movements. We decided to go back to basics: power analysis, community organizing, and developing agendas from below. This was the commitment that we took to Honduras.

From this articulation, the Feminist Transgression Watches emerged as a strategy to make visible our resistance and daily forms of civil disobedience at the national and international levels. This consisted of mobilizing solidarity at key moments, summoning observers, mobilizing resources, supporting strategies, and facilitating dissemination in the media and social networks, among other actions.

The Watches were activated by women and feminist groups at the country level, to mobilize solidarity to strengthen, publicize and protect our actions. Through them, we were able to mobilize financial and human resources and creative forms of direct action at crucial moments in the region. The Watches inspired the slogan adopted by women worldwide: Women Crossing the Line, and they denounced and underscored gender inequality and the differentiated impact of public policies. This helped to break down stereotypes about “women's issues” and incorporate them in broader political agendas.

As they courageously challenged the corrupt deals that lead to land grabs, and to the imposition of mining, monoculture, large tourism developments, and hydroelectric megaprojects that displace and destroy their communities, indigenous and rural women faced intensifying threats and risk. In the vast majority of cases, these projects were adopted without free, prior, and informed consent, as is mandated by law and ILO Convention 169. Large companies, backed up by armed private security, police and soldiers and often with the behind the scenes support of government elites, attacked grassroots organizations, intimidated women and their families, and tortured, imprisoned and assassinated activists. The media for its part, either failed to report these attacks or portrayed the defenders as the aggressors.

Building the capacity of indigenous and rural women

Building on the long-time relationship of key JASS women with indigenous people’s organizations in Honduras, we began a project to support indigenous and rural women’s access to and use of media on their own terms. There were very few stories of indigenous women in resistance in the media, and many of those that came out were distorted by sexism, racism, and the narrative of corporate interests, which described them as "backward", "anti progress”’ or even “terrorists”. Women did not have the training, tools, and access to media to counter this narrative and share their perspectives, so we started by building self-generated communications, using radio, social media, and Skype.

In 2010, together with Guatemalan partner Sinergia No’j, we gathered 35 indigenous and rural women from six countries for three intensely creative days of the first workshop, “Women Democratizing Media”. Participants included a communicator from Radio La Voz Lenca of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), an organization with which JASS worked closely. In the workshop we conducted a critical analysis of stigmatizing media images and language and highlighted the importance of understanding communication as a right. Due to the success of the workshop and demand for media skills, these trainings continued for years, and formed the basis of JASS’ curriculum called “Women Crossing the Tech Line” used in different regions around the world.

Later in workshops on community radio to mobilize against violence, participants experienced the tremendous power of radio—both as a communications tool and also as a bridge—enabling diverse women to speak and listen to one another’s stories and perspectives. The COPINH radio became a seed project in Honduras. The skills multiplied as women returned home to train other women and young people at home.

At the same time, JASS gained more insight into the challenges facing indigenous and rural women, and relationships with and among the women leaders and their organizations deepened. We continued to develop joint work with ally organizations, such as COPINH, as they developed content for community radio and independent communications networks as a vital form of education and mobilization.

We forged strategic alliances with a broad range of Honduran organizations, and several women emerged as trusted leaders within the resistance movement. We jointly adopted the name Feminists in Resistance, which rapidly became a force to be reckoned with, monitoring human rights violations and fighting to ensure that the feminist agenda remained central to the broader resistance. The Feminists in Resistance members stood out in the public actions in the streets. With their green banners, T-shirts, and hats, they formed a large green spot visible in the sea of protesters. Women of almost all ages participated, shouting: "No coups; no woman-beating!" (“¡Ni golpes de estado, ni golpes a las mujeres!”)

The coup regime unleashed a wave of brutal repression against La Resistencia, including gender violence against the women's movement. Without rule of law, human rights violations became daily occurrences, and violence and civil unrest led to a marked increase in verbal, physical and sexual assaults.

“Throughout this time, we feminists met after each demonstration to assess, because things changed from one day to the next. It was seven months, but it felt like seven years because everything was so different and each day was like a year of decisions, evaluations and strategy creation, and each day the strategy had to be changed." ~ Daysi Flores

Together with Feminist International Radio Endeavor (FIRE) and Las Petateras, we intensified our social media campaign to draw global attention to what was happening in Honduras, spotlighting women’s roles and demands in the resistance, and to denounce the human rights abuses and acts of repression. Advocacy and protests in collaboration with groups in Washington, D.C. targeted the U.S. Congress and State Department to suspend support of the coup government. Advocacy was also carried out with the Inter-American Human Rights Commission (IAHCR) to hold the line in not recognizing the regime. From throughout Honduras, with allies and networks of support from Latin America and around the world, we created a common front with many different human rights and social movements to demand a return to democracy and clear condemnation of the military coup.

To intensify international pressure further, in August 2009, JASS, FIRE, and Las Petateras organized a Feminist Resistance Watch and fact-finding mission of journalists and women leaders to Honduras. The group worked closely with Feminists in Resistance to document assassinations, rapes, beatings, and arbitrary detentions committed during the weeks that had elapsed since the coup d’état. The delegation documented a strong, bold. and inspiring feminist movement and took back a message of solidarity that asked for global support. JASS followed up by building international alliances, advocacy, and providing information on women’s role in the resistance.

Feminists gained newfound respect in national politics at a critical moment. As part of the leadership of the National Popular Resistance Front, a mostly male-led body representing unions and various other social and community organizations, Feminists in Resistance worked to ensure that their demands were incorporated into the agenda and public message of the national resistance movement—not without constant pressure and occasional setbacks. Yet, in alliance with indigenous organizations, they managed to make the Front declare itself anti-patriarchal in its founding statutes. The rest of the world took note.

Although the coup regime remained in power, the message endured that feminist demands for equality, equity and emancipation form an indispensable part of the movements. The feminist leadership and international alliances forged in this period carried over as the movement looked ahead. This experience also shaped JASS’ own political priorities to focus increasingly on building cross-movement, cross-sectoral alliances where feminists and feminist agendas were central.

The presidential elections in November 2009, under the guise of returning the nation to civilian rule, eliminated the possibility of restoring constitutional order, and diminished international pressure to return to democracy. With democratic institutions shattered, a corrupt police state emerged that attacked from its position of power the advances the women’s movement had made. As the rule of law seemed to crumble, Honduras’ fragility created an easy opportunity for drug cartels. In this context, violence and threats to women increased dramatically. Daily demonstrations waned and fractures appeared within the resistance movement as members grapple with demoralization, fear, economic survival, and safety.

“The demonstrations ended because, in reality, each time there were fewer of us; because the repression became so harsh that it really broke the heart. We were afraid, I think fear had a lot to do with it.” ~ Daysi Flores, JASS

Grassroots organizations defending land and natural resources like the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras of the Garifuna people (OFRANEH), Via Campesina and others came under repeated attack from the post-coup government as it moved quickly to concession and initiate new mega-projects, mining and logging. Farmers in the Bajo Aguan were targeted and many were killed by private security and police. Berta Cáceres led COPINH’s fight against the Agua Zarca dam, Miriam Miranda of OFRANEH led her people against militarization, drug trafficking and tourism development on the Atlantic coast. Police and soldiers, organized crime and private security thugs working for transnational companies involved in mining, hydroelectric dams, palm oil and other megaprojects joined forces against these and other people’s movements.

To make these threats real and recognized, we decided that we must gather our own evidence and document this violence to provide an analysis of what was happening. JASS and its partners began working with regional women activists to conduct a study of violence against women activists in Mesoamerica. The findings, published in our first report in 2010, confirmed that “Violence has risen in every country in the region. The prevailing impunity and corruption, coupled with the region’s strongly macho (aggressive masculinity) culture, have favored the consolidation and entrenchment of a culture of violence against women.” It found that Honduran activists in the pro-democracy movement were at great risk, due to political repression, and that LGBTQI people and women activists participating in and leading the fight against “megaprojects” (dams, mines, land and water grabs for mono-cropping, etc.), were particularly targeted, attacked, killed and imprisoned. In conflicts over territory, their bodies became battlegrounds.

This unprecedented report also revealed that traditional human rights protection with its focus on the physical protection of the individual through personal security measures such as bodyguards and bullet-proof vests, did not meet the specific needs of women defenders and activists. In many cases, these measures separated the woman activist from her community and family, prevented her from continuing to organize and express her opinions, and failed to address her deeper physical and mental wellbeing. Furthermore, this approach to protection was not available to women, since it depended on the will of the State, and many women also faced violence in their homes and communities for their leadership and public roles. Our analysis concluded that women activists, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs), were coping with enormous risk and stress without sufficient support or mechanisms for protection and self-care.

In 2010, in a meeting called to present the report findings in Mexico, JASS – together with AWID, Consorcio-Oaxaca, Colectiva Feminista (from El Salvador) and UDEFEGUA (a human rights defenders’ network from Guatemala) – formed the regional Mesoamerican Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders (IM-Defensoras), and were later joined by the Central American Women’s Fund. For the first time, we established a set of strategies for documenting and analyzing the forms of violence against women human rights defenders, and increased recognition of the problem and the need for gender-specific strategies among human rights actors and governments. Through national networks and protocols, we worked together to document cases, respond immediately to urgent cases, prevent and reduce risk, and build a shield of self-defense and support to sustain women defenders in the long term.

That same year, we founded the National Network of Women Human Rights Defenders of Honduras, a forum for Honduran women activists to share information about the crisis in the country, build a sisterhood across many differences and learn from the responses of other organizations to develop new ways to protect themselves. The National Network gradually formalized and supported women facing threats and attacks as they defended democracy, women’s and LGBTQI rights, and their land, territories and resources. The new national and regional networks sought to provide Honduran women with needed support and safety as threats against them mounted.

This "normalization of violence" was hidden in the Honduran media, which downplayed human rights abuses and tried to convince the nation and the world that normality had returned to Honduras and the country was " open for business”. The constant government repression of the opposition weakened social movements and a large part of the international community, under strong pressure from the U.S. government, supported the Honduran government. This placed the resistance in a quandary, as it was divided between those who opted for a minimal relationship with the new government and those who refused to recognize it. The organizations suffered defections, divisions, repression, less external support, and declining morale.

At the same time, grassroots and women’s movements faced a growing imposition of extractive “mega-projects” on their territories, against which they organized to defend their lands and water, and protect their communities from displacement, environmental destruction, inequality, and intra-community conflicts. With huge profits at stake, state and corporate repression against people opposing these projects rose to alarming levels, including rape and sexual torture, kidnapping and assassination. After the adrenaline rush of the first weeks of the resistance, women and feminists sadly confronted the institutionalization of the post-coup government. The apparent triumph of injustice was a bitter pill to swallow, and Honduran activists, along with their supporters, faced crucial questions: How to sustain women activists and women’s organizations in the long term, and draw attention to the violence they face? How to make their struggle to create more bonds of solidarity with society more visible?

With the understanding that our power, well-being and security as women are essential, JASS, IM-Defensoras and the National Network of Honduras worked to create safe spaces for self-care and mutual support for women activists in risky and difficult contexts. Through the IM-Defensoras, we incorporated support for families, and created safe spaces to discuss and respond to specific, often sexualized, threats that women often don’t feel comfortable talking about in mixed groups. Questions were raised about the focus on WHRDs, the niche of the new networks, and the possible duplication of efforts, but we managed to incorporate the concepts and practices of self-care and wellness to deal with fear, trauma, and stigma. As one Honduran activist said, “Your body is political territory. It is one of the first spaces for constructing freedom…for defining how you exist as a woman, human being, and a citizen in this struggle.”

At the same time, we sought a strategy to break through the new repressive normality in the country and present the truth about violence and the courage of activists and women's movements. Together with the Nobel Women’s Initiative and regional allies, at the end of January 2012 we organized a delegation of women to Honduras, Guatemala and Mexico, led by Nobel Laureates Jody Williams and Rigoberta Menchú Tum. The purpose of the trip was to provide testimony and gather first-hand evidence of the impact that the escalation of violence had on women and girls in the region, to assess the role and response of governments, and to generate pressure from the media. Over the course of 10 days, we heard testimony from more than 200 women human rights defenders. Many took great risks traveling from different parts of the country to tell the stories of their struggles for the first time in an international forum. At the forum in Tegucigalpa, Berta Cáceres from COPINH offered one of the most powerful and emotional testimonies: "We cannot trust a public Ministry, a supreme court, a National Congress, the executive branch, the national police. We cannot, we have no one to trust. We can only have faith and hope in ourselves as the Honduran people."

The delegation's visit to Honduras raised the public awareness of Honduran feminist organizations and made the urgency of the situation visible. We achieved extensive written, radio and television coverage. The delegation underscored the courageous work of COPINH and other grassroots organizations, and the specific threats directed at women leaders. We took reports with the findings of the visit to the US Congress and the Canadian Parliament, highlighting testimonies and evidence of repression and offering recommendations to address impunity and violence against activists. We developed a closer relationship with COPINH and other grassroots organizations made up of women and men who defended their lands and territory.

Despite this, a few months after the visit, the government imprisoned Berta Cáceres.

We participated in her defense and together with COPINH and other allies, we exerted national and international pressure and won her release. The influence of Berta as a feminist leader -- and of her organization COPINH -- grew among the movements that defend the land and territory, in defense of life, equality and the human rights of women in Honduras. Together with other people and organizations, the JASS team in Honduras played a direct role in protecting Berta and worked alongside her in many political actions. Berta clearly and publicly identified patriarchy as a central oppressive system of society, and COPINH -- with the support of JASS, among others -- developed anti-patriarchal training activities that continue to this day.

The strategy of creating networks of women defenders to further protect them and amplify their voices received international recognition - in 2014, the IM-Defenders received the Letelier-Moffitt Prize for Human Rights, which highlighted the fundamental role played by women human rights defenders in Mesoamerica. What was called a “holistic feminist protection approach”, developed by our IM-Defenders allies with ideas from many others around the world, has not only strengthened the networks of defenders and their members, but has also impacted the thinking and the practice of different organizations and foundations.

In 2015, popular protests against massive corruption scandals faced repression by the Hernandez government. At the same time, the constant mobilization from below opened up new opportunities to build women's leaderships and movements. Although Feminists in Resistance did not play the same leadership role that it had in the post-coup period, the women and feminists who participated in the resistance to the coup, together with young people who joined in this stage, were active in the mobilizations and helped to build international solidarity. The government's response was closure, increasingly authoritarian laws, and the criminalization of opposition leaders. Hernandez was clearly intent upon imposing his agenda of opening everything up to foreign investment and promoting extractive projects, regardless of the cost to his own people.

On April 22, 2015, Berta Cáceres received the Goldman Environmental Prize. In her speech, she spoke firmly about ending militarization, concessions and megaprojects that displace indigenous peoples, and described the struggle of indigenous defenders in Honduras: “We are the ancestral custodians, the Lenca people, protected by the spirits of the girls who teach us that giving our lives in multiple ways for the defense of rivers is giving our lives for the good of humanity and this planet." A year later, on March 2, 2016, Honduras was shaken by the murder of beloved leader Berta Cáceres at her home in La Esperanza, an attack in which Gustavo Castro, a Mexican defender and activist, was also seriously injured. Her murder sent a shock wave throughout the world where COPINH and Berta had forged multiple alliances. For JASS and hundreds more in Honduras and abroad, Berta was an example, inspiration, ally and close friend.

Berta's murder caused great pain in broad sectors of the population and also undercut many assumptions. Berta traveled around the world building solidarity and demanding respect for the rights of women and indigenous peoples and for environmental justice. Her high international profile convinced many that despite death threats, the government and other private sector actors would not dare to murder her due to the political cost of assassinating such a recognized defender. When she received the award, there was great tension in Honduras and several activists received threats, including the JASS staff. We knew that her visibility was critical to her cause, but could see how the interests against her reacted to her power as a leader and were sowing the seeds of division and conflict within communities.

Within a week of her assassination, JASS pulled together a delegation to New York to advocate with the heads of state gathered at the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW). Supported by many allies and collaborating donors, the delegation was led by Berta’s daughter, Bertha Zúñiga Cáceres, and representatives from COPINH, the Defensoras network and JASS. The delegation gave interviews, participated in meetings with government representatives, and organized a gathering that drew more than 600 persons. The delegation culminated with a speech by young Bertha before the Plenary of the UN CSW calling for an independent investigation into her mother’s murder, and an immediate halt to the Gualcarque River dam project her mother worked so hard to stop. She also called for a review of all other infrastructure and development projects in the country to determine whether they complied with the requirement of “free, prior and informed consent” from indigenous peoples on their land as stated in ILO Convention 169. Her speech generated widespread media coverage and international attention. The visit connected Honduran activists and JASS with new allies. 

JASS joined international allies, Washington DC-based justice groups, and women's human rights networks to demand justice and support Berta's demand to stop the dam project by directly lobbying international funding sources to withdraw from the Agua Zarca dam project. In addition, we started an advocacy campaign for the suspension of US aid and an information and mobilization campaign against the policies that permit or promote exploitation and extraction on indigenous lands. In all this work, women's organizations insisted that feminist values be remembered as an integral part of Berta's history of struggle and the vision of COPINH.

In November 2018, the National Criminal Court of Honduras convicted seven perpetrators of Berta's murder and found that they had been hired by DESA executives. However, impunity in the case of Berta Cáceres continues. On various occasions, her family and COPINH have denounced irregularities in the judicial process, and the masterminds of the crime remain unpunished. Although charges were brought against the DESA manager, David Castillo, the proceedings were sluggish and only culminated in a sentence due to the insistence and pressure exerted by COPINH. After a trial characterized by constant delays, the DESA manager was found guilty as a co-perpetrator of the murder of Berta, marking a breakthrough in the fight for justice. COPINH’s main current demands are the punishment of the crime’s masterminds, the DESA company owners, and the liberation of the river for which Berta was fighting through the corruption case known as the Fraud on the Gualcarque River. As JASS, we have accompanied COPINH during the trials and contributed to the campaign for justice for Berta, strengthening communication work and participating in actions on the anniversaries of her murder.

Because Berta refused to be defined as just one thing—an environmentalist, a feminist, an indigenous rights activist—her life has become an inspiration to cross lines and link movements. The defense of land and territories and the movements against militarization, for women's rights, and to end the "war against drug trafficking" have been strengthened by the strategic decision to view Berta's death, despite the immense pain that it caused, as a moment to multiply her strength in the causes for which she fought. This is clearly reflected in the motto: “Berta did not die – she multiplied!”

The government of Juan Orlando Hernández has been characterized by repression against its own people, corruption, and links with drug trafficking. These factors, in addition to the high levels of violence in the country, have increased social discontent towards his government. In the same year of the fraudulent elections, Global Witness classified Honduras as one of the most dangerous countries in the world for land and environmental defenders. Since the 2009 coup, 123 activists have been murdered. Berta's murder revealed how far powerful interests will go to protect those interests, and since then many Honduran women activists fear for their lives.

In this context, and in the face of the acceleration in concessions of Honduran land and natural assets granted to national and international extractive companies (many of which operate fraudulently and illegally), social movements, women defenders, and activists faced the question: how to carry out long-term resistance?

It further showed us that the integration of women in struggles is a source of empowerment and personal achievement, such as participation in community and political activities, an opportunity to train and learn, and having greater decision-making power in their families. It also showed that these achievements are not only individual but also organizational, since the contribution of women has made it possible to strengthen social organizations, reinforce alliance policies and open access to economic resources, which demonstrates the virtuous cycle that is generated when women participate fully.

The violence that women experience within their movements and social organizations, as well as within their families, also came to light. The mapping revealed how women defenders face specific gender-based violence, discrimination, and patriarchal barriers and practices within their own organizations. In addition, violence within families was identified as a constant in women's lives and is used as a control mechanism to dissuade them from actively participating in struggles and organizations. Although we had exposed these facts seeking a solution, we encountered resistance from some organizations and some male colleagues from mixed organizations. Faced with this, we conducted a feedback process with those organizations that were willing to receive it, although there were organizations that decided not to accept it. Carrying out the mapping gave us an idea of where we could channel our experience and optimize our impact to support women in building movements that defend the life and common goods of all.

A national school for women defenders of territory

From the mapping came the need to focus on strengthening the leadership of women defenders of land and territory and their capacities for analysis, organization, and strategy development. That need, combined with the extensive experience in feminist popular education developed at JASS through several decades of work in the region and continued in the Alquimia school, led us to adapt the regional leadership school to create a school specifically for Honduras. The curriculum and structure of the new school were designed and validated with the national defenders of land and territory through popular feminist education methodologies. Through negotiations with the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH), it took the form of a diploma with a certificate from this university. The first class of the National School had 32 defenders from different territories nationwide.

Course accreditation was especially significant for participants who had not had prior access to formal education. Despite many obstacles, all but two participants completed the course. This experience highlighted the importance of training work and reaffirmed the need and the logic of continuing to implement the courses of the national Alquimia schools. However, it also revealed the multiple violence and threats that women face, both internally (in their organizations, movements, communities, and families) and externally (in their advocacy work), which affect their activism and their lives. It demonstrated that when women grow in their own leadership and power, there is also a violent reaction towards them, which is why it is essential to always have security and protection strategies for the return of the participants to their communities.

The findings of the mapping and of the first school showed that inequalities between men and women who participate in land and territory struggles persist in their organizations and movements. Therefore, articulating a Transformative Power and supporting women leaders in strengthening their leadership and in the eradication of patriarchal practices at a personal, family, organizational, and political level, became priority challenges. ~ JASS Mesoamerica

“This mapping is like a mirror. I see a full reflection of my reality and the reality that my companions experience in their struggles. Sometimes I read it and I feel as if they had taken an X-ray of us.” ~ Wendy Cruz, La Via Campesina

From the mapping, many male leaders have begun to support or strengthen their support for women's leadership and have even encouraged women’s participation in the Alquimia National School in Honduras. Through the National School, we contribute to strengthening the strategic leadership, effectiveness, and resilience of women. They feel less alone, more confident and supported, both among themselves as indigenous and rural defenders and in their organizations. They are better prepared to face adverse contexts in their communities and organizations. We used different strategies and methodologies to strengthen collaboration, networking and the visibility of their agendas and their work.

As a result of the course, the participants have tools to analyze the context and the power dynamics in their territories. This allows them to strengthen their strategies and those of their movements and to share this knowledge with others to strengthen their leadership as women in their organizations. The leadership capacity of the participants has grown -- some have accepted national coordination positions within their organizations, others have taken charge of accompanying other struggles, and their level of leadership has increased notably.

“The change we observe throughout the training processes is clear: the motivation with which they arrived turns into creativity and their commitment into dreams and strategies to work together. Their comprehensive strengthening and empowerment is reflected just by noting the way they express it, with a strong and self-assured voice, speaking up during the plenary discussions. Their initial motivation and commitment are transformed into creativity, their dreams become desires to share experiences and strategies with other women with whom they share struggles. However, the changes resulting from the training processes are not immediate, they are gradual strengthening processes." ~ JASS Mesoamerica

Moving forward, the work of JASS in Honduras will continue to seek to strengthen and protect the collective power of Honduran women and their organizations defending their land, territory and common goods in order to build just and equal movements that contribute to de-patriarchalization, decolonization and decumulation of power and capital. Specifically, the work will be directed towards the strengthening of organizational and protection processes for defenders of various social movements through the courses and activities of the National Alquimia Schools. This will be combined with other popular feminist education processes, such as the "Live Schools" (“Escuelas Vivas”, communications activities tailored to respond to specific organizational needs), as well as self-care and solidarity actions with allies and other actors at the national and international level. We will also seek to facilitate collective advocacy processes that strengthen the collective power of movements while expanding the international human rights framework for women in Honduras.